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Sponsored
by The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation's State Coverage Initiatives
Program
Conducted by AcademyHealth

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Session
2: States' Responses to New Federal Flexibility
(Robert T. Maruca, Hersh Crawford)
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Q:
By looking at New Mexico's program, I would assume that a 20 year-old
and a 60 year-old (in the same federal poverty level) would pay
the same amount out-of-pocket. Are you concerned about adverse selection?
If so, how do you propose to deal with it? Can you put pre-existing
conditions into the policy or do some sort of underwriting? If you
can do those things, would that be legal under the waiver?
A:
[Maruca] You are right, in our model a 60 year-old individual
and a 25 year-old individual will pay the same share. We have discussed
the issue of preexisting conditions; we have not made any decisions
around it. That is something that we are going to have to look at.
We have looked at this from an actuarial perspective and looking
at our cost, it is based on that population that stretches from
21 to 64. Clearly, it will cost less to insure younger opposed to
older individuals. We are going on average cost and the cost of
the program will be the cost of covering everyone in the program
within that spectrum.
Q:
Hawaii is looking at things very similar to those that New Mexico
mentioned. I am interested in your comments on the impact of the
uninsured on employers and hospitals; you had hoped that there may
be sources of funds there. Can you expand a little bit on that and
how you plan to work with employers and hospitals?
A:
[Maruca] Yes, there are a number of sources.
We have programs right now within state government in our Department
of Health and Department of Children, Youth and Families. In New
Mexico, the Medicaid program falls under the Department of Human
Services, but we also have a Department of Health and a Department
of Youth and Families that provide health care for people that are
not insured under Medicaid. And on our committees, we have involved
people from Children, Youth and Families and the Department of Health.
So, as we pick up some of these other populations under the waiver,
we believe there will be state funds that are currently being spent
on health care that would be transferred from those other departments
to the Department of Human Services. Clearly that may be an issue,
since any department that has money does not want to give up those
funds. But we do have to approach this as how we take care of the
state's population as a whole and what is the best for it as a whole.
Many
counties also have funds that are provided from recipients through
a county indigent fund and are used to take care of these people
right now. Those counties may have to spend less or give those hospitals
less money, but it is likely that the hospitals' bills will go down
as a result of these efforts. We would like to see some of that
money either transferred from the public hospital or from the county
to the state so that it could also be matched and in a way become
state money. That is going to be difficult to do, but that is part
of our task. We do feel that there is money out there, right now,
being spent on these individuals that will not have to be spent.
Q:
In New Mexico, knowing that you have actuarial projections still
to come in, what are your initial thoughts on the restrictions on
benefit packages in your proposal, specifically your hospital and
pharmacy benefits. What are you anticipating that you will propose?
A:
[Maruca] In terms of hospital benefits,
we will probably have to implement a maximum expenditure cap: a
limit on what can be spent in a given year. We have looked at that,
as well as copays on a sliding scale. The information that we are
getting back, however, is really varied so I cannot answer that
too specifically right now. We do think that we can create a program
with copays that people will want to participate in. We want to
keep the cost down as much as we can. We will have to make some
tradeoffs in regards to what copays and premiums are versus the
total cost of the program. That is part of the actuarial work that
is still being done.
A:
[Crawford] In Oregon, we will have higher levels of copays than
New Mexico is considering, but our assessment at this point is that
copays are not going to determine whether or not someone will participate
in the program. We have spoken with the actuary about how to adjust
for adverse selection which will come from the way that we structure
our premiums. Basically we have not gotten any good answers. We
are not certain that there is any good data on how to model for
a low-income population. So, instead of trying to go through and
restructure our costs and determine how our per member per month
(pmpm) costs will change as a result of adverse selection, we will
treat it as a management issue. We are proposing to go forward with
a program that has some flexibility with the benefit package, enrollment
cap and expansion populations. We will deal with adverse selection
by exercising that management flexibility.
A:
[Maruca] We certainly agree with Oregon that it is more important
to keep premiums at $50 and $25; we think that is what will sell
the program, not a $150 or $250 copay for a hospitalization or $10
or $15 for an outpatient visit. We think it will be the premiums
that determine whether someone will participate or not.
Q:
When Oregon developed its copays and tiers, did it use analytical
studies on a continual basis to shape these policies? Also, did
Oregon conduct modeling to see how these plans would work?
A:
[Crawford] In terms of copays and cost
sharing requirements, we started with a lot of data on the individuals
that are currently covered under our expansion populations (under
100% FPL). We looked at where they were in the income strata, what
diagnoses they had, and how those changed with respect to income.
One thing that surprised us was where people with HIV and AIDS clustered
in the income strata. We had assumed that they would cluster down
around the lower end of our eligibility bracket, but in fact, they
did not. Our cut off is 100% FPL and they were clustered right around
80-90 percent of poverty. We realized that we were probably working
with a population that has the ability to work, but because they
need health care coverage, they adjust their income so that they
qualify for our program.
In
the end, however, the copay negotiations were very much of a political
process. It was a public process; the recommendation was made by
a group that included advocates, legislators, providers, as well
as representatives of providers, managed care plans, and insurers
in the state. We came up with a series of recommendations that no
one is fully supportive of, but that no one hated enough to fully
walk away from the table.
A:
[Maruca] In New Mexico, our process was very much open. We had
advocates, providers, consumers, and managed care organizations
at the table. When we looked at copays, there was an incredible
amount of pressure not to have them or to set them at $2-$3. We
did not think that was reasonable. Instead, we looked at the products
currently on the market and tried to make our program similar to
some of the commercial packages. If you look at the HIFA criteria,
they seem to ask you to look at the standardized commercial plans
out there. In this way, our model follows the programs that are
out there, except that we have sliding copays based on percentage
of poverty.
We
also had some state legislators on our committee and I think that
has turned out to be a very good move on our part to have them involved
in moving it politically.
Q:
In Rhode Island, as in many other states, we are moving to employer-based
coverage through premium assistance programs or buy-ins. Is Oregon
going to try and leverage the employer contribution to maximize
your federal reimbursement?
A:
[Crawford] Oregon is pretty certain that
we cannot get match on the employer contribution, and we are not
asking for that. But what we will be asking for match on is the
state share of the cost to enroll someone in employer-based insurance.
Q:
In New Mexico, you are doing almost a reverse buy-in. You also have
a lot of small employers that don't offer coverage. One of the questions
that came up in Idaho from a couple of insurance folks was the HIPAA
requirement for coverage equivalency. If you have a small employer
with 15 employees, six of them may qualify under your waiver for
a Medicaid subsidy. Could that employer buy into this coverage model
for the rest of the employees if they pay the full cost? How are
you going to handle some of an employer's employees having coverage
and others not?
A:
[Maruca] That is something that we have
to look at. Right now, you either qualify or you don't. We do not
have a mechanism in our plan for the employer to buy in for employees
that don't meet 200% of eligibility. I do think, though, that it
will make employers think harder about their higher income employees
and motivate them to try and find a better plan or some sort of
coverage for them too.
Q:
Where does the $50 figure for employers in New Mexico's plan come
from? Is that just a plug figure or have you done some work with
employers to try and figure out what the limit is for what you can
get from them?
A:
[Maruca] We went around the state and
had open forums and talked to employers. $50 seemed to be an amount
that they were willing to pay. We did not want to go too high that
employers would not participate, but on the other hand, we did not
want to go so low that we did not get as much as we could.
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Session
4: Controlling Costs and Improving Access: A Focus on Pharmaceuticals
(Gail Margolis, George Kitchens,
Tom Susman)
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Q:
In order to put these programs in place, there is a certain administrative
cost. Do you have a sense at all of the cost offset versus your
savings?
A:
[Kitchens] I would say that Florida's return on investment is up
to almost 10 to 1 for every dollar that it has spent. That would
include both the prior authorization process and contracting for
the rebate negotiations.
A:
[Susman] In terms of counter-detailing programs, I think Merck/Medco
has done one and they have seen about a 3-4% move from brand to
generics, which is a fairly significant return. In terms of our
cost, we will spend close $100,000 for the West Virginia share.
Again, if we can save 1% among all states involved, that is worth
$1 million and I think we will save more than that.
Q:
Arkansas and other states are trying to follow your lead in figuring
out ways to manage pharmaceuticals. We have several companies coming
and offering to help us manage our drug benefit programs for "x"
or "y" disease. You are showing results that are very
enticing on the balance sheet. But are they providing an objective
strategy for pharmaceutical management? Even if everything is equal,
are they still routing patients to their own company's drugs?
A:
[Kitchens] One of the basic components of Florida's program is that
it is an unconditional guarantee. It is a $33 million, two-year
deal and we use a third party to establish the study design and
the outcomes and savings. At the end of our fiscal year, we will
do a report. And say if the first year is worth $18 million and
their savings only show $9 million, Pfizer will need to write us
a check for the difference. Often, when I bring up the unconditional
guarantee, the conversations with these companies stop.
Q:
In Arkansas, we had a company come in and their informational materials
happened not to include all of the generics. If our physicians group
had not looked at that, it would have been a smooth sailing proposal
since the cost issues looked so advantageous to the state. Has this
been a problem and how do you organize your review teams so it does
not happen?
A:
[Kitchens] Florida reads and reviews any
materials that come out. We are cognizant that this is something
to watch out for. Good care is more important than promoting a particular
product.
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